Archive for November, 2016

Minerals in Ancient Africa: Iron

Iron ores were worked as early as middle stone age times in Swaziland for use as pigments. It is clear that body pigments and iron oxides ochres for body pigments and later for decorating rock surfaces were eagerly sought after from early stone age times. A piece of haematitic colouring matter was even brought into the Olduvai Basin by very early stone age tool-users.

By late stone age times manganese, spéculante, and haematite were being regularly mined at localities in Zambia, Swaziland and in the northern Cape. An excavation in some of the workings at Doornfontein indicated regular mining operations involving galleries and chambers from which up to 45 ooo metric tons of specularite may have been obtained, probably by Khoisan-speaking groups from the ninth century of our era onwards. It is
likely that the existence of such mines and the implied knowledge of metallic ores and their properties helped the rapid growth of an iron technology in the first half of the first millennium of our era.

Elsewhere in sub-Saharan Africa we do not have such clear indications of mining for iron and it seems that the lateritic crust of the tropical areas was the most likely source of iron ores. Bog iron, however, was used in the lower Casamance valley in Senegal and at Machili in Zambia.

The iron so obtained would have been broken down into very small pieces and hand-selected for smelting. A region where the mining, as opposed to the surface collecting, of latérites may have been undertaken was to the north of the Gambia river in the area of the Senegambian megaliths, which are themselves upright blocks of latérite. Their use there as ritual structures and the growth of an iron technology in the area during the first millennium of our era would indicate that it would be a small step towards the actual mining of the latérites for smelting. It is possible that extensive smelting of the latérites was an essential preliminary to the idea of quarrying the latérite for building purposes.

A similar process may have developed in the Central African Republic where megaliths also occur. It has been suggested by Wai Andah in Chapter 24 that the ease of Iaterite digging as opposed to haematite-quarrying may be one of the clues to a hitherto unsubstantiated claim for an indigenous development of an iron technology in Africa.

Latérite, when damp and buried beneath a soil profile, is relatively crumbly and far easier to dig through than normal rock. Unfortunately, except for the southern African mines, no other certain iron-‘mining’ areas have been either found or accurately dated. It is possible that the Uelian stone axes of haematite in north-eastern Zaïre and Uganda may be of iron age date and fashioned in haematite in imitation of wrought iron.

Author: M.Posnansky. Historian and archaeologist; author of a number of important works on the archaeological history of East Africa.

Source: General History of Africa Vol.II. [Editor: G.Mokhtar] Ancient Civilisations of Africa. Chapter 29.The societies of Africa south of the Sahara in the early iron age.

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Minerals in Ancient Africa: Salt

Salt is a mineral that was in great demand particularly with the beginning of an agricultural mode of life. Hunters and food-gatherers probably obtained a large amount of their salt intake from the animals they hunted and from fresh plant food.

Salt only becomes an essential additive where fresh foods are unobtainable in very dry areas, where body perspiration is also normally excessive. It becomes extremely desirable, however, amongst societies with relatively restricted diets as was the case with arable agriculturalists. We have no idea when the salt resources of the Sahara at Taghaza and Awlil were first extracted. That they were an element in the trade of the Sahara by the first millennium of our era is evident from Arabic texts of the last quarter of the millennium. It is probable that some of the salt extraction is as old as the copper-mining and the development of the Tichitt settlements in Mauretania, both areas where a sedentary life would have imposed the need for salt supplies. W e know quite a lot about mining
activities in the medieval period, which will be discussed in later volumes, but nothing about them at this time. It is probable that at this period the mining operations were of a fairly simple kind. Salt would have been available as a surface deposit in various parts of the Sahara as a result of the desiccation process after — 250. Perhaps man noted which
dried-up lakes, swamp or pond beds attracted wild animals. Surface salts are often quite obvious from their colour.

There are several known early salt-workings in East Africa at Uvinza, east of Kigoma in Tanzania, at Kibiro on the shores of Lake Albert in Uganda, at Basanga in Zambia and probably also at Sanga in Zaïre and in the Gwembe valley in Zambia. The salt extraction at
Uvinza was probably rudimentary as the fifth- and sixth-century finds at the salt springs were not associated with the stone-lined brine tanks which characterized the second-millennium occupation. Salt springs were also the source of the salt at Kibiro where an elaborate boiling and filtration process may date from the first millennium of our era; as there would be very little raison d’être for occupation at the site otherwise. At Basanga the
salt flats were occupied from as early as the fifth century and suggest an early, though so far not definitely established, exploitation of the salt, probably by evaporation processes.

Salt elsewhere was probably made in the variety of ways which persisted until the nineteenth century which involved burning and boiling grasses, or even goat droppings, from areas of known high soil-salt content, and then evaporating off the brine so obtained
and filtering out all the large impurities. Colander vessels used in such processes are common throughout iron age contexts but unfortunately such perforated vessels could also be used for other food preparation processes, which makes the certain ascription of salt-making often very difficult.

Author: M.Posnansky. Historian and archaeologist; author of a number of important works on the archaeological history of East Africa.

Source: General History of Africa Vol.II. [Editor: G.Mokhtar] Ancient Civilisations of Africa. Chapter 29.The societies of Africa south of the Sahara in the early iron age.

 

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Kemet and Science: Mathematics

mathematics

MATHEMATICS (arithmetic, algebra and geometry)
Mathematics is an important field of science in which the ancient Kemetyu worked. The accurate measurements of their enormous architectural and sculptural monuments are worthy proof of their preoccupation with precision. They would never have been able to reach this pitch of perfection without a minimum of mathematical capacity. Kemetyu mathematics may be considered under the three headings of arithmetic, algebra and geometry.

Two important mathematical papyri have come down to us from the Middle Kingdom (—2000 to —1750), those of Moscow and Rhind. The Kemetyu method of numeration, based on the decimal system, consisted of repeating the symbols for numbers (ones, tens, hundreds, thousands) as many times as necessary to obtain the desired figure. There was no zero. It is interesting to note that the Kemetyu symbols for the fractions 1/3, 1/2, 1/4 and so on originate in the myth of Horus and Seth, in which one of Horus’ falcon eyes was torn out and cut into pieces by Seth. It is these pieces that symbolize certain fractions.
Kemetyu administrative organization required a knowledge of arithmetic. The efficiency of the highly centralized administration depended on knowing exactly what was happening in each province, in all spheres of activity. It is not surprising, then, that the scribes spent an enormous amount of time keeping records of the area of land under cultivation, the
quantities of products available and their distribution, the size and quality of the staff, and so on.

The Kemetyu method of calculation was simple. They reduced all operations to a series of multiplications and divisions by two (duplication), a slow process which requires little memorization and makes multiplication tables unnecessary. In divisions, whenever the dividend was not exactly divisible by the divider, the scribe introduced fractions, but the system used only fractions whose numerator was the number 1. The operations on
fractions were also done by systematic doubling. The texts contain numerous examples of proportional shares obtained in this way, with the scribe adding at the end of his calculations the formula ‘it is exactly that’, which is equivalent to our ‘ QED’.

All the problems posed and solved in Kemetyu treatises on arithmetic have one trait in common: they are all material problems of the type that a scribe, isolated in some remote outpost, would have to solve daily, like the apportioning of seven loaves of bread among ten men in proportion to their rank in the hierarchy, or the calculation of the number of bricks required to build an inclined plane. It was, then, basically an empirical system, with little in it of an abstract nature. It is difficult to judge what elements of such a system might have passed into neighbouring cultures.

It is not exactly clear whether one may properly speak of a Kemetyu algebra and specialists in the history of science hold different views on this matter. Certain problems described in the Rhind Papyrus are formulated as follows: ‘ A quantity [ahâ in Egyptian] to which is added [or subtracted] this or that increment («) results in quantity (N). What is this quantity?’  Algebraically, this would be expressed as x ±- x/n = N, which has led some historians of science to conclude that the Egyptians used algebraic calculations. However, the solutions proposed by the scribe of the Rhind Papyrus to this type of problem are always reached by simple arithmetic, and the only instance in which algebra might have been used is a problem of division which implies the existence of a quadratic equation. The scribe solved this problem as a modern algebraist would do, but instead of taking an abstract symbol like x as the basis of calculation, he took the number 1. The question whether Kemetyu algebra existed or not depends therefore on whether one accepts or rejects the possibility of doing algebra without abstract symbols.

The Greek writers Herodotus and Strabo concur in the view that geometry was invented by the Kemetyu. The need to calculate the area of the land eroded or added each year by the flooding of the Nile apparently led them to its discovery. As a matter of fact, Kemetyu geometry, like mathematics, was empirical. In ancient treatises, the task was first and
foremost to provide the scribe with a formula that would enable him to find rapidly the area of a field, the volume of grain in a silo or the number of bricks required for a building project. The scribe never applied abstract reasoning to the solution of a particular problem but just provided the practical means in the shape figures. None the less, the Kemetyu
knew perfectly well how to calculate the area of a triangle or a circle, the volume of a cylinder, of a pyramid or a truncated pyramid, and probably that of a hemisphere. Their greatest success was the calculation of the area of a circle. They proceeded by reducing the diameter by one-ninth and squaring the result which was equivalent to assigning a value of 3.1605 to pi, which is much more precise than the value 3 given to pi by other ancient peoples.

Knowledge of geometry proved of considerable practical use in land surveying, which played a significant role in Kemet. There are many tombs with paintings showing teams of surveyors busy checking that the boundary-stones of fields have not been shifted and then measuring with a knotted cord, the forerunner of our surveyor’s chain, the area of the cultivated field. The surveyor’s cord or nouh is mentioned in the earliest texts (c.—2800). The central government possessed a cadastral office, the records of which were ransacked during the Memphite revolution (c. —2150) but were restored to order during the Middle Kingdom (c. -199°).

Authors: R. El Nadoury with the collaboration of), Vercoutter. General History of Africa Vol.II. [Editor: G.Mokhtar] Ancient Civilisations of Africa. Chapter 5. Legacy of Pharaonic Egypt.

R. El Nadoury (Egypt); specialist in ancient history; author of numerous works and articles on the history of the Maghrib and of Egypt; Professor of Ancient History and Vice Chairman of the Faculty of Arts, University of Alexandria.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Kemet and Science: Surgery

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The Kemetyu contribution to science and applied mathematics has left a valuable legacy in the fields of physics, chemistry, zoology, geology, medicine, pharmacology, geometry and applied mathematics. In fact, they gave to humanity a large store of experience in each of these fields, some of which were combined in order to execute a specific project.

Surgery:

It was, undoubtedly, the knowledge they acquired from mummification that enabled the Kemetyu to develop surgical techniques at a very early period in their history. We have quite a good knowledge of Kemetyu surgery, in fact, thanks to the Smith Papyrus, a copy of an original which was composed under the Old Kingdom, between —2600 and —2400.

This papyrus is virtually a treatise on bone surgery and external pathology. Forty-eight cases are examined systematically. In each case, the author of the treatise begins his account under a general heading: ‘Instructions concerning [such and such a case]’; followed by a clinical description: ‘If you observe [such symptoms]’. The descriptions are always precise and incisive. They are followed by the diagnosis: ‘You will say in this connection a case of [this or that wound]’, and, depending on the case, ‘a case that I can treat’ or ‘the case is without remedy’. If the surgeon can treat the patient, the treatment to be administered is then described in detail, for example: ‘the first day you will apply a bandage with a piece of meat; afterwards you will place two strips of cloth in such a way as to join the lips of the wound together . . . ‘.

Several of the treatments indicated in the Smith Papyrus are still used today. Kemetyu surgeons knew how to stitch up wounds and to set a fracture using wooden or pasteboard splints. And there were times when the surgeon simply advised that nature should be allowed to take its own course. In two instances, the Smith Papyrus instructs the patient to maintain his regular diet.

Of the cases studied by the Smith Papyrus, the majority concerned superficial lacerations of the skull or face. Others concerned lesions of the bones or joints such as contusions of the cervical or spinal vertebrae, dislocations, perforations of the skull or sternum, and sundry fractures affecting the nose, jaw, collar-bone, humerus, ribs, skull and vertebrae. Examination of mummies has revealed traces of surgery, such as the jaw dating from the

Old Kingdom which has two holes bored to drain an abscess, or the skull fractured by a blow from an axe or sword and successfully reset. There is also evidence of dental work such as fillings done with a mineral cement, and one mummy had a kind of bridge of gold wire joining two shaky teeth.

By its methodical approach, the Smith Papyrus bears testimony to the skill of the surgeons of ancient Kemet, skill which it would be fair to assume was handed on gradually, in Africa as well as in Asia and to classical antiquity, by the doctors who were always attached to Kemetyu expeditions to foreign lands. Moreover, it is known that foreign sovereigns, like the Asian prince of Bakhtan, Bactria, or Cambyses himself, brought in Kemetyu doctors, that Hippocrates ‘had access to the library of the Imhotep temple at Memphis’ and that other Greek physicians later followed his example.

Authors: R. El Nadoury with the collaboration of), Vercoutter. General History of Africa Vol.II. [Editor: G.Mokhtar] Ancient Civilisations of Africa. Chapter 5. Legacy of Pharaonic Egypt.

R. El Nadoury (Egypt); specialist in ancient history; author of numerous works and articles on the history of the Maghrib and of Egypt; Professor of Ancient History and Vice-Chairman of the Faculty of Arts, University of Alexandria.

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Kemet and Science: Medicine

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Medical knowledge can be considered as one of the most important early scientific contributions of the ancient Kemetyu to the history of man.
Documents show in detail the titles of Egyptian physicians and their different fields of specialization. In fact the civilizations of the ancient Near East and the classical world recognized the ability and reputation of the ancient Kemetyu in medicine and pharmacology. One of the most significant personalities in the history of medicine is Imhotep, the vizier, architect and physician of King Zoser of the third dynasty. His fame survived throughout Kemetyu ancient history and through to Greek times.
Deified by the Kemetyu under the name Imouthes, he was assimilated by the Greeks to Askelepios, the god of medicine. In fact, Kemetyu influence on the Greek world in both medicine and pharmacology is easily recognizable in remedies and prescriptions. Some medical instruments used in surgical operations have been discovered during excavations.
Written evidence of ancient Kemetyu medicine comes in medical documents such as the Ebers Papyrus, the Berlin Papyrus, the Edwin Smith Surgical Papyrus and many others which illustrate the techniques of the operations and detail the prescribed cures.

These texts are copies of originals dating back to the Old Kingdom (c. —2500). In contrast to the Edwin Smith Surgical Papyrus, which is highly scientific, the purely medical texts were based on magic. The Kemetyu regarded sickness as the work of the gods or malevolent spirits, which provided justification for resorting to magic and which explains why some of the remedies prescribed on the Ebers Papyrus, for example, resemble more a magical incantation than a medical prescription.

Despite this aspect, common to other ancient civilizations as well, Kemetyu medicine was a considerable science which contained the beginnings of a methodical approach, especially in the observation of symptoms, and this method doubtless passed to posterity by reason of its importance. The Kemetyu doctor examined his patient and determined the symptoms of his complaint. He then made his diagnosis and prescribed treatment. All the extant texts describe this sequence, from which it may be concluded that it was standard procedure. The examination was made in two stages some days apart if the case was unclear. Among the ailments identified and competently described and treated by Kemetyu doctors were gastric disorders, stomach swelling, skin cancer, coryza, laryngitis, angina pectoris, diabetes, constipation, haemorrhoids, bronchitis, retention
and incontinence of urine, bilharzia, ophthalmia, etc.

The Kemetyu doctor treated his patient using suppositories, ointments, syrups, potions, oils, massages, enemas, purges, poultices, and even inhalants whose use they taught to the Greeks. Their pharmacopoeia contained a large variety of medicinal herbs, the names of which, unfortunately, elude translation. Egyptian medical techniques and medicines
enjoyed great prestige in antiquity, as we know from Herodotus. The names of nearly one hundred ancient Kemetyu physicians have been passed down to us through these texts. Among them are oculists and dentists, of whom Hesy-Re, who lived around —2600 under the fourth dynasty, could be considered as one of the most ancient. Among the specialists
were also veterinarians. The physicians used a variety of instruments in their work.

Authors: R. El Nadoury with the collaboration of), Vercoutter. General History of Africa Vol.II. [Editor: G.Mokhtar] Ancient Civilisations of Africa. Chapter 5. Legacy of Pharaonic Egypt.

R. El Nadoury (Egypt); specialist in ancient history; author of numerous works and articles on the history of the Maghrib and of Egypt; Professor of Ancient History and Vice-Chairman of the Faculty of Arts, University of Alexandria.

 

 

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The Egyptians as they saw themselves

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How did the ancient Egyptians see themselves? Into which ethnic category did they put themselves? What did they call themselves? The language and literature left to us by the Egyptians of the Pharaonic epoch supply explicit answers to these questions which the scholars cannot refrain from minimizing, twisting or ‘interpreting.

The Egyptians had only one term to designate themselves: kmt = the negroes (literally). This is the strongest term existing in the Pharaonic tongue to indicate blackness; it is accordingly written with a hieroglyph representing a length of wood charred at the end and not crocodile scales. This word is the etymological origin of the well-known root kamit which has proliferated in modern anthropological literature.
The biblical root kam is probably derived from it and it has therefore been necessary to distort the facts to enable this root today to mean ‘white’ in Egyptological terms whereas, in the Pharaonic mother tongue which gave it birth, it meant ‘coal black.

In the Egyptian language, a word of assembly is formed from an adjective or a noun by putting it in the feminine singular. ‘ Kmt ‘ from the adjective = km = black; it therefore means strictly negroes or at the very least black men. The term is a collective noun which thus described the whole people of Pharaonic Egypt as a black people.

In other words, on the purely grammatical plane, if one wishes to indicate negroes in the Pharaonic tongue, one cannot use any other word than the very one which the Egyptians used of themselves. Furthermore, the language offers us another term, kmtjw = the negroes, the black men (literally) = the Egyptians, as opposed to ‘foreigners’ which comes from the same root km and which the Egyptians also used to describe themselves as a people as distinguished from all foreign peoples. These are the only adjectives of nationality used by the Egyptians to designate themselves and both mean ‘negro’ or ‘black’ in the Pharaonic language. [Eurocentric] scholars hardly ever mention them or when they do it is to translate them by euphemisms such as the ‘Egyptians’ while remaining completely silent about their etymological sense.

Cheikh Anta Diop (29 December 1923 – 7 February 1986), an Afrikan anthropologist, historian, and physicist. One of the most prominent and proficient black scholars in the history of African civilization. His discoveries have shown the world the true accomplishments of African history, and effectively put an end to the debate over who the original people of Egypt were.

From General History of Africa. Vol.II. Ancient Civilisations of Africa. Chapter 1. Origin of the ancient Egyptians.

 

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Kemet and the divine [epithets]

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Black … is the divine epithet invariably used for the chief beneficent gods of Egypt [Kemet], whereas all the malevolent spirits are qualified as desrêt = red; we also know that to Africans this form applies to the white nations; it is practically certain that this held good for Egypt too but I want […] to keep to the least debatable facts.

The surnames of the gods are these:

Kmwr = the ‘Great Negro’ for Osiris

km = the black + the name of the god

kmt — the black + the name of the goddess

The km (black) qualificative is applied to Hathor, Apis, Min, Thoth, etc. Kmt = the black woman = Isis. On the other hand ‘seth’, the sterile desert, is qualified by the term desrêt = red. The wild animals which Horus fought to create civilization are qualified as desrêt = red, especially the hippopotamus. Similarly the maleficent beings wiped out by Thoth are Des = dèsrtjw = the red ones; this term is the grammatical converse of Kmtjw and its construction follows the same rule for the formation of ‘nisbés.

Cheikh Anta Diop (29 December 1923 – 7 February 1986), an Afrikan anthropologist, historian, and physicist. One of the most prominent and proficient black scholars in the history of African civilization. His discoveries have shown the world the true accomplishments of African history, and effectively put an end to the debate over who the original people of Egypt were.

From General History of Africa. Vol.II. Ancient Civilisations of Africa. Chapter 1. Origin of the ancient Egyptians.

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